CONSTITUTIONALISM AND HOW IT PERTAINS TO GHANA
This paper sets out to examine the concept of constitutionalism and how it pertains to Ghana on the basis of the doctrines of judicial independence, separation of powers, rule of law and respect for human rights.
Brief history of Constitutionalism
Constitutionalism has a vibrant history among the English people, and that tradition has been passed on to other nations, Ghana included. Like any other political concept, constitutionalism evolved with the passage of time. The concept traces its roots way back to 1215 when King John of England was forced by a group of wealthy nobles to sign a document called the Magna Carta, setting certain limits on the King’s powers. One of the fundamental clauses of the charter read: “No free man shall be seized or imprisoned, or stripped of his rights or possessions,or outlawed or exiled. Nor will we proceed with force against him. Except by the lawful judgement of his equals or by the law of the land. To no one will we sell, to no one will we deny or delay right or justice. (https://www.bl.uk/treasures/magnacarta/basics/basics.html). This specific clause can be said to have been a binding precedent for the later conceptions of constitutionalism.
Fast forward to the year 1689, the English Bill of Rights was signed by King William III of England. The English Bill of Rights outlined what rights English citizens possessed, and placed limits on the monarch and Parliament. The English Bill of Rights is a foundational constitutional document that helped inspire the American Bill of Rights.
Political theorist like John Locke also played a huge role in cementing the philosophy of constitutionalism. Locke was an English intellectual who helped develop the concept of social contract theory. According to this theory, government itself is a sort of contract between the people and the state, and if the state abuses its power or doesn’t hold up its end of the bargain, the people have the right to make the contract null and void. America’s Founding Fathers were big fans of Locke, and his ideas provided the philosophical justification for the American Revolution. These words of Thomas Jefferson in the declaratory notes of Americas independence aptly portrays John Locke’s notion of constitutionalism “That to secure these rights, governments is instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed. That whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new one”
David Fellman, a constitutional scholar and a former lecturer at Wisconsin-Madison, had this to say on constitutionalism. “Constitutionalism is descriptive of a complicated concept, deeply imbedded in historical experience, which subjects the officials who exercise governmental powers to the limitations of a higher law. Constitutionalism proclaims the desirability of the rule of law as opposed to rule by the arbitrary judgment or mere fiat of public officials … Throughout the literature dealing with modern public law and the foundations of statecraft the central element of the concept of constitutionalism is that in political society government officials are not free to do anything they please in any manner they choose; they are bound to observe both the limitations on power and the procedures which are set out in the supreme, constitutional law of the community. It may therefore be said that the touchstone of constitutionalism is the concept of limited government under a higher law.” (www.getdocuments.asp) .
Constitutionalism, therefore, is a political philosophy based on the idea that the authority of government is derived from the people and should be limited by a constitution that clearly expresses what the government can and cannot do. It’s the idea that the government is not free to do anything they please and in any manner they so choose, but is bound by laws limiting its authority. That government can and should be legally limited in its power and that its authority or legitimacy depends on its observance of these limitations. Governments are supposed to exercise their power in accordance with pre-determined rules with effective restraints; these restraints could be substantive, institutional or procedural. The basic idea is that, government must be effectively restricted so as not to take undue advantage of the citizenry. These limitations must be clearly and unequivocally spelled out in a body of higher law which is enforceable in a variety of ways, political and judicial. Constitutionalism must however be distinguished from democracy, or better still, a government set up by a constitution. A constitution can set up a government and leave it to act as it pleases.
In the celebrated cases of RE AKOTO and NPP V ATTONEY GENERAL (the 31st December case), the difference between a constitutionally established government and constitutionalism was clearly demonstrated. The government of Ghana was duly established by a constitution (1960 constitution) but that constitution could not place effective restraints on the powers of the governor-general. In RE AKOTO, Mr. Baffour Osei Akoto and seven others were arrested under the Preventive Detention Act which virtually made the government the complainant, prosecutor and a judge, a clear violation of both the letter and spirit of the 1960 constitution. Section 2 of article 42 of the republican constitution enjoined the supreme court to declare any legislation made by parliament null and void if they find out it was made in excess of the powers conferred on it. Nonetheless, the courts failed to appreciate this unique power afforded them by the constitution and went on to recklessly condemn these people with absolute impunity. These people were arrested and sentenced by an order made by the governor-general and signed on his behalf by the interior minister under section (2) of the said PDA. In fact, the entire PDA and the dubious judgment of the court were summed up in the following comments of Mr. J.A Braimah during a parliamentary debate on the PDA bill, 1958: “By introducing this preventive detention bill in the house, the government is behaving as if the British had not left behind a deep respect for individual rights and an understanding of the practical mechanics of democratic law and government. Is the government telling us that there is no longer going to be the rule of law in this country? This three page bill, containing only five clauses, and with only five clauses, if allowed to be passed into law, can deprive any person who is a citizen of Ghana of his liberty for a period of five years, or 1,825 days. We gather from the preventive detention bill that it will no longer be the obligation of the prosecution to prove that crime has actually been committed by the person accused….the application of the bill will only amount to shouting to a blind man that he is going the wrong direction wherever he turns. It is like gambling with a blind man. The person with the eyesight, which is the government, will always win against the blind, which is the public….if this bill is allowed to be passed, the government will be the complainant, the prosecutor and the judge at the same time. How do members expect the poor accused person to get a fair trial?” Clearly, if a constitution can be rendered this impotent by government and a competent judiciary who, otherwise should have known better, such a system cannot be said to be constitutionalism. In the case of NPP V THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (the 31st December case). On 19th January 1993, the Government of Ghana announced that 31st December will be declared a statutory public holiday to commemorate a coup d’état that occurred on December 31st 1981 where a constitutionally elected government was overthrown. The New Patriotic Party, a registered political party in Ghana brought a suit against the government, seeking a declaration that the said celebration was inconsistent with the 1992 constitution, particularly articles 3(3- 7), 35(1) and 41(f) and an order compelling the government to cancel preparations for the celebrations and refrain from carrying out the celebration with public funds. The court by majority decision ruled against the celebration and declared same unconstitutional despite the fact that the stakes were too high. The fundamental law of the land which is the constitution triumphed in the midst of uncertainties.
Another case of importance to what constitutionalism actually means is the case of MARBURY v MADISON.
Marbury was nominated and appointed by John Adams to become the Justice of Peace for the District of Columbia. After the appointment document was signed by the President and the seal of the United States was affixed to it by the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State, Madison failed in his duty to deliver the letter as required by law. As such, Marbury was refused the position of the Justice of Peace because the commissions signed by former President, John Adams were not delivered before the expiration of John Adams time in office. Marbury brought a petition to the Supreme Court under the Judiciary Act of 1789 for an order of mandamus to compel the Secretary of State to deliver his commission to take up the post of justice of the peace.
The court concluded that when a commission has been signed by the President, the appointment is made, and that the commission is complete when the seal of the United States has been affixed to it by the Secretary of State. Thus, MARBURY was duly appointed under the laws of the United States of America.
This idea brings with it a vex question of interest not only to legal scholars, but to anyone keen to explore the legal and philosophical foundations of the state. How can a government be legally limited if law is the creation of government? For constitutionalism to be present and effective in a country, there are certain inevitable elements that must be present. These elements fundamentally include but not limited to the following; the presence of a constitution, rule of law, separation of powers, independent judiciary and fundamental human rights.
PRESENCE OF A CONSTITUTION
The Merriam Webster dictionary defines a constitution in simple terms as “the basic principles and laws of a nation, state or a social group that determines the powers and duties of the government and guarantees certain rights to the people”. Also defined by the online legal dictionary as “the fundamental law, written or unwritten, that establishes the character of a government by defining the basic principles to which a society must conform; by describing the organization of the government and regulation, distribution and limitations on the functions of different government departments; and by prescribing the extent and manner of the exercise of its sovereign powers” (www.thefreedictionary.com).
Suffice to say from the above understandings of constitution that, a constitution is simply a set of fundamental rules and regulations under which everything actionable in a state must fall. Whether codified or otherwise, society, within which its provisions are applicable, must unconditionally subscribe to its dictates. Once there is this “ground norm” that places enough restrictions on the exercise of authority, constitutionalism would be palpable.
JUDICIAL INDEPENDENCE
It’s a constitutional provision which enables the judicial arm of government work without any influence, sanction or pressure from the other arms of government. Bishop Hoadly (1717) in a sermon before the English King observed that: “Whoever hath an ultimate authority to interpret any written or spoken laws; it is he who is truly the Law-giver to all intents and purposes, and not the person who first wrote or spoke them.” (Quoted in Gray 1986, p.12). it is important therefore that, anybody vested with the task of giving meaning to the provisions of any written be sufficiently independent in order to discharge their duties without prejudice.
Judicial independence is a means through which the judiciary is absolved from government and other influences. Existence of judicial independence as an element of constitutionalism enables judges discharge their duties without fear or favor. The independence of the judiciary has been established by article 125(1) of the Ghanaian constitution that states that: justice emanates from the people and shall be administered in the name of the republic by the judiciary which will be independent and subject only to the constitution. Further clause 1 of article 127 stipulates that the judiciary shall not be subject to the control or direction of any person or authority in the exercise of judicial powers in terms of judicial function, administrative responsibilities and financial administration. Article 127 (2) also stipulates that, neither the president nor parliament nor any person whatsoever shall interfere with judges and judicial officers or other persons exercising judicial power, in the exercise of their judicial function and that all state organs must accord the court such assistance as they may reasonably require to protect their independence, dignity and effective judiciary. The NPP V ATTORNEY GENERAL (supra), demonstrates the independence of the judiciary as against the whims and caprice of the executive. Some measures put in place to ensure judicial independence in Ghana includes:
- REMOVAL FROM OFFICE: there are defined rules and procedure for the removal of judges from office. Once they are appointed, the executive cannot dismiss them so long as their work and behavior are in tandem with the laid down procedure contained in the constitution. The judicial independence is also strengthened with the immunity of judges from prosecution in the course of administering justice. They’re not made to suffer any legal action as a result of the nature of a judicial decision. It means that judges cannot be sued on the basis of the judgment they pass. This is grounded in article 146 (1) of the 1992 constitution. 146(1) states: “A Justice of the superior court or chairman of a regional tribunal shall not be removed from office except for stated grounds of misbehavior or incompetence or on ground of inability to perform the functions of his office arising from infirmity of body or mind” section 113 of act 459 as (amendment) act, 2002, (act 620) by also provides that; “A Judge of the superior court, a circuit court judge, a magistrate, panel members of a regional tribunal, and juvenile court shall not be liable to any action or suit for any matter or thing done in the performance of their functions as such officers”
- THE CONSTITUTION GUARANTEES THE FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY: Good conditions of service of the judiciary also ensure the independence of judges. According to the 1992 constitution, the administrative expenses of the judiciary, including all the salaries, allowances, gratuities and pensions payable to judges shall be charged on the consolidated fund. This prevents the other organs of government, thus, the executive and parliament from controlling the judicial arm of government since they not have the power to determine the service conditions of the judiciary. In some countries judges retire on their salaries. See generally article 127 of the 1992 constitution. See also BROWN V THE ATTORNEY GENERAL where the Supreme Court held that the administrative expenses of independent constitutional bodies are not subject to budget policy directives of the executive and hearings of the ministry of finance or reduction by the ministry of finance before parliamentary approval. The court further held that the only thing parliament can do is to reject the administrative estimates or to seek clarification in circumstances where the estimate results in fundamental errors in relation to the information laid before parliament.
- ENTIRE ABSENCE OF EXECUTIVE AND LEGISLATIVE CONTROL: decisions of judges are binding. The executive and legislature must accept the decision and judgement of judges. See article 127(1) and (2) of the Constitution, 1992.
- NON- PARTISAN: judges are nonpartisan so that they can impartially adjudicate cases between the government and the citizens. To ensure his or her impartiality, no member of a government in office should be appointed to a judicial position.
In TUFFUOR V ATTORNEY GENRAL, an incumbent chief justice was reappointed by the president of the second republic Dr Hilla Limann despite the second republican constitution conspicuously stating that the chief justice shall be deemed to have been appointed by that constitution immediately upon the coming into effect of the 1969 constitution. Despite this glaring provision in the constitution, the incumbent chief justice was nominated to be vetted and approved by parliament. The plaintiff by virtue of being a citizen of Ghana sued the government seeking inter alia, that the purported nomination and subsequent vetting with rejection of the chief justice is inconsistent with the constitution and same should be declared null, void and of no effect. That justice apaloo should be reinstated as the substantive chief justice. The court ruled for the plaintiff demonstrating that, the judiciary is independent of the whims and caprices of both the executive and the legislature.
SEPARATION OF POWERS
Separation of Powers as a concept is central to Constitutionalism. We will want to examine the various ways in which the doctrine of separation of powers promotes constitutionalism in Ghana. But before we proceed, let us take a brief look at the meaning of the concept of separation of powers.
According to Montesquieu,
‘When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of Magistrates, there can be no liberty … Again, there is no liberty if the power of judging is not separated from the legislative and executive. If it were joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be exposed to arbitrary control; for the judge would then be the legislator. If it were joined to the executive power, the judge might behave with violence and oppression. There would be an end to everything, if the same man, or the same body whether of the nobles or the people, were to exercise those three powers, that of enacting laws, that of executing public affairs, and that of trying crimes or individual causes’ (Montesquie B, L’Espirit des Lois; cited in Opoku-Agyemang M, 2009).
Other scholars, like N. W. Barber, believe that the purpose of separation of powers is efficiency; that if the various types of power are allocated sensibly to the right kind of institutions, it is more likely to be exercised efficiently.
So essentially, the rationale underpinning the doctrine of separation of powers is that the three branches of government should each be vested with one function of government – executive, legislative and judicial. ‘The aim of separation of powers is to prevent the concentration of power in one man or a group of men and the emergence of authoritarian tyrannical government’ (Asante R & Debrah E, ). This is the theory propounded by Montesquieu and also held by Prof. Eric Barendt.
Now let us turn our attention to the principle of separation of powers as it pertains to Ghana. The 1992 Constitution vests each of the three distinctive powers of government separately in each of the three arms of government. Article 58 (1) vests executive power in the President:
‘The executive authority of Ghana shall vest in the President and shall be exercised in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.’
Second, article 93 (2) vests legislative power in the Legislature thus:
‘Subject to the provisions of this constitution, the legislative power of Ghana shall be vested in Parliament and shall be exercised in accordance with this Constitution.’
Third, article 125 (3) confers judicial power on the Judiciary as follows:
‘The judicial power of Ghana shall be vested in the Judiciary; accordingly, neither the President nor Parliament nor any organ or agency of the President or Parliament shall have or be given final judicial power.’
Therefore the Constitution makes a clear demarcation in respect of the powers of each of the branches of government.
Let us now consider the relationship between these organs of state, and how they serve as a check on one another thereby promoting constitutionalism.
the judiciary and the legislature
Judicial appointments as well as the appointment of the Chief Justice, although made by the President, requires Parliamentary approval; for instance, Article 144 (1&2) states; 144(1) “the Chief Justice shall be appointed by the President acting on the advice of the Judicial Council, in consultation with the Council of State and with the approval of Parliament” (emphasis mine) and 144(2) “the other Supreme Court justices shall be appointed by the President acting on the advice of the Judicial Council, in consultation with the Council of State with the approval of Parliament” (emphasis mine).
Also, ‘Even though article 127 of the Constitution guarantees the financial independence of the judiciary, Parliament controls the release of money to the judiciary through the promulgation of the Appropriation Act as provided for under article 178’ (Opoku-Agyemang M, 2009).
The judiciary, on the other hand, has exclusive power or jurisdiction under the Constitution to declare whether or not an Act of Parliament is constitutional. Article 2 (1-4). Article 2 (1) stipulates, ‘A person who alleges that—
(a) An enactment or anything contained in or done, under the authority of that or
(b) Any act or omission of any person;
is inconsistent with, or is in contravention of a provision of this Constitution, may bring an action in the Supreme Court for a declaration to that effect.’
Thus in MARTIN KPEBU V ATTORNEY GENERAL (unreported), the Supreme Court exercised its power of judicial review, a check mechanism guaranteed by the constitution, when it declared section 96 (7) of the Criminal and Other Offences (Procedure) Act (Act 30) which classified certain offences as ‘non-bailable’ as unconstitutional. The plaintiff had argued that section 96(7) of act 30, a creation of Parliament, was inconsistent with article 14 and 19(2)(c) of the 1992 constitution. Article 14 contains the circumstances under which the liberty of an individual can be curtailed whilst article 19 (2) (c) presume the accused to be innocent until he is proven guilty in a competent court of jurisdiction or he pleads guilty. The effect of the ruling therefore was that the same section stood repealed. The decision in this case is a clear indication that the judiciary serve as a check on the work of the legislative organ of government as far the law making power of parliament is concern.
The Judiciary and the Executive
The Constitution establishes the Judiciary as an independent body and vests final judicial power in it (Article 125 (1); the Constitution precludes the Executive and the Legislature from arrogating unto themselves judicial power. Article 125 (3) makes this quite clear,
‘The judicial power of Ghana shall be vested in the Judiciary; accordingly, neither the President nor Parliament nor any organ or agency of the President or Parliament shall have or be given final judicial power.’
The power of judicial review which the Constitution confers on the Judiciary is a check and control mechanism through which the judiciary keeps the government and its agencies in line with the dictates of the Constitution. In J.H. MENSAH V THE A-G ]1997-98] 1 GLR 227 (the facts are set out below) for example, the plaintiff brought an action against the Attorney-General for a declaration, among others, ‘that on a true and proper interpretation of articles 57(3), 58(1) and (3), 66(1) 76(1) and (2) 78(1), 79(1), 80, 81, 97(1), 100(1) and 113(1) and (3) of the Constitution, 1992, no person could after 6 January 1997 act as a minister or deputy minister of state without the prior approval of Parliament of his appointment’.
The defendant raised some preliminary objection to the action against him on the grounds that: (i) on the basis of the plaintiff’s claim, he could not institute an action against the Attorney-General since the person acting in that capacity was also a retained minister who had also not had prior approval; and (ii) the process by which Parliament exercised its sovereign powers in giving approval to the President’s nominees could not be questioned by the court. He was arguing, in effect, that the court had no jurisdiction over the political question. The defendant’s preliminary objection was dismissed thus:
(i) ‘ It was clear from the provisions of article 88(1) that the Attorney-General should be a minister of state and the principal legal adviser of the government, that the individual personality of the one holding that office was paramount. And as a minister of state, that person fell into the same category as any other ministers of state. Accordingly, the court had to determine whether anyone who had not had prior approval of the Second Parliament could act or hold himself out as the Attorney-General.’
(ii) ‘The principle guiding the court in refusing to decide moot questions was quite settled. If the question though moot, was certainly not likely to recur, the courts would not waste their time to determine questions and issues which were dead. Thus for a court to decline deciding a moot question, it had to be established that subsequent events made it absolutely clear that the allegedly wrong behaviour could not reasonably be expected to recur. Since no such proof had been established in the instant case, and the court could not be certain that the issue might not recur, the court would go into the question to forestall multiplicity of suits and for the guidance of future governments and Parliaments.’ This is a clear case of the judiciary asserting itself and deploying its constitutional power to check the executive.
But at the same time the judiciary, conscious of the doctrine of separation of powers as one of the pillars of the Constitution, is unwilling to encroach or usurp the powers and functions of the executive. One classical case, for example, is GHANA BAR ASSOCIATION V THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND ANOTHER. [1995-96] 1 GLR 598-662 “On 15 February 1995 the President of the Republic of Ghana nominated Justice I K Abban, a justice of the Supreme Court for appointment as Chief Justice after due consultation with the Council of State. The nomination was approved by Parliament under a certificate of urgency on 21 February 1995. Subsequently, the plaintiff, the Ghana Bar Association, claiming that the appointment was contrary to the provisions of article 128(4) of the Constitution, 1992 because Justice I K Abban was not a person of high moral character and proven integrity and therefore not qualified for appointment as a justice of the Supreme Court and consequently as Chief Justice, invoked the original jurisdiction of the Supreme Court under article 2(b) of the Constitution, 1992 and sought against the Attorney-General as the first defendant and Justice I K Abban as the second defendant (i) a declaration that by articles 2(1)(a) and (b), 91(1) and (2), 144(1) and 128(4) of the Constitution, 1992 the President should not have nominated and appointed Justice I K Abban Chief Justice since he was not a person “of high moral character and proven integrity”; (ii) a declaration that the appointment of Justice I K Abban as Chief Justice by the President as well as the advice by the Council of State and the approval by Parliament of his nomination were each made in contravention of articles 91(1) and (2) and 128(4) of the Constitution, 1992 and were therefore null and void; (iii) an injunction restraining Justice I K Abban from acting or purporting to act in the office of Chief Justice of Ghana; and (iv) a declaration that the warrant of appointment of Justice I K Abban was null and void and he should deliver it up to the Supreme Court for cancellation. The defendants denied the averments of the plaintiff and then raised a preliminary objection to the plaintiff’s case on the ground that by virtue of the doctrine of separation of powers enshrined in the Constitution, 1992, the appointment of Justice I K Abban as the Chief Justice pursuant to article 144(1) and (5) of the Constitution, 1992 by the President was a non-justiciable political question specifically committed to the Council of State, Parliament and the President, ie the executive and the legislature. The plaintiff however submitted that the principle of non-justiciable political question was not applicable under the Constitution, 1992 because by the combined effect of articles 125(3) and 259(8) of the Constitution, 1992 the Supreme Court had the final judicial power to determine whether any person had properly performed his duties under the Constitution, 1992.” (Emphasis mine). A “political question” in the concept of separation of powers refers to a situation where certain functions that are committed to a specific branch of government under the constitution are in contention for determination by the court.
The court in a unanimous decision upheld the preliminary objection by the defendants by declaring the suit as a non-justiciable political question. According to the court, as contained in the headnote (2) “by the provisions of article 144(1) of the Constitution, 1992 the appointment of the Chief Justice had been specifically committed to both the executive and the legislature. Accordingly, any attempt by the Supreme Court to claim a power to be able to declare null and void the appointment of the Chief Justice made by the President in consultation with the Council of State and with the approval of Parliament as provided in the Constitution, 1992 would not only be an absurd and excessive extravagance but also an usurpation of the constitutional functions of both the executive and the legislature, and therefore illegal…. since the appointment of the Chief Justice was vested in the President, the Council of State and Parliament, ipso facto the determination of who was a person of high moral character and proven integrity. Their decision in that regard was therefore binding on the court.”
It would appear that the Constitution confers enormous power on the Judiciary and leaves it unchecked, thus, making it appear ‘untouchable’; on the contrary, the Constitution gives the President the power to remove a judge from office on stated grounds (albeit a laborious process) as stipulated in Article 146, hence, the power of the judiciary after all is not unrestricted despite the fact that it appears absolute. In other words the judiciary are subject to checks.
It is important to note that Article 72 confers on the President the Prerogative of Mercy, and he is free to exercise this power. Article 72 (1) (a) for example states, ‘The President may, acting in consultation with the Council of State—
Grant to a person convicted of an offence a pardon either free or subject to lawful conditions;’
Indeed former President Kuffuor exercised this power in favour of many prisoners including Tsatsu Tsikata whom he granted a pardon in 2008 while serving a jail term for the offence of causing financial loss to the State. Former President John Mahama also granted pardons to a number of prisoners including the infamous ‘Montie Three’ in 2016 who were serving a jail term for contempt of court.
It is important to emphasize that the President’s prerogative of mercy does not in any way constitute the exercise of judicial power; contrariwise, it is purely an executive function.
The Executive and the Legislature
The President is elected separately from Parliament for four years and he does not depend on Parliament for his continuous stay in power as set out in the entire chapter 8 of the 1992 constitution. It is important to note that the President, even though not part of Parliament, he is obliged to give a sessional address at the beginning of a session and during the dissolution of Parliament (Article 67).
Again, with regard to the legislative process, there is inevitable interdependence between the executive and the legislature. It is the executive who initiates a bill and Parliament takes the bill through its procedures to pass it before the President gives his Assent for it to have effect as an Act of Parliament. Article 106 sets out Parliament’s mode of exercising legislative power.
Article 78 (1) stipulates, ‘Ministers of State shall be appointed by the President with the prior approval of Parliament from among members of parliament or persons qualified to be elected as members of Parliament, except that the majority of Ministers of State shall be appointed from members of Parliament.’
Two issues arise from the above-cited article: first, it is clear that although the President has the power to appoint Ministers of State, the express approval of Parliament is required in that regard; parliament carries out this function usually by vetting nominees. Thus the legislature has power to check the executive function in relation to the appointment of ministers of state. The case of J. H. MENSAH V A-G [1996-97] SCGLR 320 (SUPRA) is quite instructive in this respect.. The first term President Rawlings had ended on 6th January, 1997. Having been re-elected for a second term and Rawlings sworn in on 7th January 1997, it was then announced that the President had decided to retain in office some of his previous ministers and deputy ministers of state and since they were approved by the previous Parliament of the first term of the Fourth Republic, they would not be presented to the new Parliament for their approval. Thereupon the plaintiff went to court, praying the court to determine whether the requirement of prior parliamentary approval extend to all nominees, whether retained or new.
The court held that per the Constitution, 1992, arts 58(1) and (4), 60, 78 and 79 the term of office of a minister or deputy minister was coterminous with that of the government which appointed him. Accordingly, the contention that unless the office of a minister or deputy minister became vacant in any of the ways provided for in article 81 of the Constitution, 1992 he had an indefinite term of office, was untenable and inconsistent with the government structure established in the Constitution, 1992.
Turning to the second question, the court decided that articles 78 and 79( I) of the Constitution, 1992 which provided that the President should appoint his ministers and deputy ministers with the prior approval of Parliament did not draw a distinction between fresh and reappointed candidates. Consequently, both a new or reappointed candidate should obtain the prior approval of Parliament.
Therefore, the ruling in J.H. MENSAH V THE A-G reaffirms the separate functions conferred by the Constitution on the Executive and the Legislature, and on that occasion Parliament rose to assert its power and to exercise its ‘watchdog’ role over the Executive.
The second issue which emanates from article 78, supra, which mandates the President to appoint the majority of Ministers of State from Parliament is the concern as to whether the requirement does not defeat the principle of separation of powers. We shall return to this question shortly.
Furthermore, it is the Executive that initiates all fiscal policies; however, Parliament has the sole prerogative to authorise spending and raising of money (Articles 174 – 178). Thus the Executive submits to Parliament for approval its annual budget.
Another source of Parliament’s power to control and to check the activities of the Executive issues from Article 75 (1) and (2) (a) and (b) which requires that treaties, agreements and conventions entered into by the executive shall be subject to ratification by an Act of Parliament or by a resolution of Parliament. Similarly, Article 181 requires that all loan agreements entered into by the Executive are ratified by Parliament.
Again, under Article 69, Parliament has the power to begin impeachment proceedings against the President on stated grounds. Also, article 82 (1) empowers Parliament to censure a minister for misconduct; it provides thus:
‘Parliament may, by a resolution supported by the votes of not less than two-thirds of all the members of Parliament, pass a vote of censure on a Minister of State.’
Finally, in response to the question raised earlier, it is clear that the Constitution imbues Parliament with enormous powers to control and check the President in the execution of his executive functions and in exercising executive power. However, some are of the opinion that the fusion of the executive and the legislature, created by Article 78 (1) referred to supra which makes it mandatory for the President to appoint ministers from Parliament, puts Parliament in a compromising situation and thereby paralysing it in the light of playing its ‘watchdog’ role over the Executive.
In conclusion, it is clear that the powers exercised by the three branches of government are clearly demarcated and separated from each other. But there is some unity between the personnel who hold executive and legislative offices, i.e the President appoints majority of ministers from parliament. While there is complete separation in terms of powers and functions between the judiciary and the other two branches. But it is the President who appoints judges to the superior courts.
Separation of powers in the pure sense of the doctrine is idealistic and therefore impractical. Indeed the interdependence between the executive and the legislature in Ghana is a creation of the Constitution. It is an attempt to cure the acrimony that characterised the relationship between executive and the Parliament under Limann as a result of ‘strict separation of powers’. The interplay between the arms of government notwithstanding, the judiciary plays its oversight role over the executive and the legislature; and the legislature, to some extent, is able to check and to control the executive. The overall effect is that the various arms of government are unable to act in excess of their powers and this inures to the benefit of the citizen in protecting his rights. Therefore Separation of Powers is established and key to constitutionalism in Ghana.
RULE OF LAW
Rule of Law as a fundamental element of constitutionalism can be explained as the legal principle of Law which should be used to govern a nation as opposed to abitrary powers of rulers. It could primarily be viewed from the point of influence and authority of Law in society by rulers of a state as constraint on behaviour of the Citizen. In a wider sense, it is a legal philosophy or political theory which lays down the fundamental requirements of law or as a procedural device by which government should rule. Many philosophers like Samuel Rutherford, Montesquieu, and A.V.Dicey among others trace the development of the concept from the Political institutions in England since the Norman Conquest in 1066 and spread to all democratic loving states all over the world with Ghana being no exception.
Dicey postulates generally, three concepts in his analysis to express the rule of law as existed for a very long time through the history of the English. He stated and portrays the Supremacy of the law as an undisputed feature in relation to offences and their resultant action of punishment. He was first of the conceptions that no man is punishable or can be lawfully made to suffer in body or in goods except for a distinct breach of law established in the ordinary courts of the land. In the Ghanaian system this concept as enshrined in Article 19(11) of the constitution of the 1992 constitution which states that “no person shall be convicted of a criminal offence unless the offence is defined and penalty for it is prescribed in a written law”.
This principle was demonstrated in the case of TSATSU TSIKATA V THE REPUBLIC, the plaintiff, a former chief executive director of GPHC, was accused of causing financial loss to the state in guaranteeing a loan for a private company circa 1992 when he was the Chief Executive Director of that state agency. The company defaulted in payment and the state was hauled to bear the cost. The court, after a careful perusal, ruled that, even if the actions of Mr Tsatsu Tsikata was a crime, as at the time he was committing the supposed crime, there was no law in Ghana pertaining to causing financial loss to the state and punishment prescribed in the constitution of the state. The point is, the law purporting to criminalised his actions and upon which he was convicted came long after he had undertaken this transaction. So since as at the time the supposed crime was committed, there was no law in the statute books of Ghana criminalising such actions since it is trite that laws do not take retrospective effect.
Dicey secondly postulate that “whatever a man be, he is subject to the ordinary law and pliable to the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals”. This is basically equality before the law or equal subjection of all manner of persons to the ordinary law of the land. This is in to equal subjection of all manner of persons to the ordinary law of the land administered by the ordinary courts. Nobody should be subject to detention without trial; everybody must have the right of access to court for defence. No man is above the law , every man and woman , whatever be his or her rank or condition , is subject to the ordinary law of the realm and amenable to the jurisdiction of the ordinary tribunals.
This is seen in article 17(1) and (2) of the 1992 constitution of Ghana which states that “all persons shall be equal before the law”. Clause (2) also states that “a person shall not be discriminated against on grounds of gender, race, colour, ethnic origin, religion, creed or social or economic status
Thus in the case of CAPTAN V AG, it was held that Captan was discriminated against. Omar Ibrahim Captan, a Lebanese citizen Accra, applied for naturalization in July 1968, the application was received by the interior minister on 23 July 1968. In September 1969, the principal secretary to the minister received a letter from the National Liberation Council that the application had been approved. The ministry of interior sent a letter to Captan, asking him to complete forms and attach forty new cedis as a naturalization fee for submission together with a certificate of naturalization issued under a presidential decree from the government of Lebanon permitting him to acquire Ghanaian citizenship. And that it was only when a certificate of naturalization has been issued that the plaintiff can become a citizen of Ghana. The plaintiff did as told and swore an oath and was issued with a receipt. On the same day, the plaintiff received a letter from the Lebanese embassy signed by the ambassador and stamped with the seal of Lebanon indicated that the plaintiff was authorized to renounce his Lebanese passport and acquire a Ghanaian citizenship. The principle secretary refused to issue the certificate of naturalization which remained on the file of the plaintiff at the interior ministry on the grounds that there was no presidential decree. On 18 September, 1969 , the plaintiff received a letter signed by the interior minister that his permit had been withdrawn and that he should leave Ghana within 24 hours which expired by 6 pm.
It was held that the minister in expelling an alien from Ghana under sections 7 and 8, of the Aliens Act1963, (Act160) does not exercise such a discretionary power as falls within the purview of article 173 and he is not obliged to assign reasons. Article 24 does not vest in an alien the right of immunity from expulsion from Ghana. That right is enjoyed by a citizen of Ghana.
The third conception of rule of law as set out by Dicey has got to do with the right to personal liberty and freedom. The rule of law believes in the respect for fundamental human right and Dicey, together with a host of other proponents of the law advocated that, the state must respect human rights as a valued obligation which flows as a natural consequence of the rule through the law. In this respect, every state that upholds the tenets of the rule of law compulsorily must include in their constitutions real provisions that seek to uphold and guarantee human rights. Ghana in compliance of this notion has devoted the entire Chapter five of its constitution on Human Rights and freedom issues. In the case of human rights, two cases of immense interest comes to mind, the famous two SALIFA cases.
THE REPUBLIC V DIRECTOR OF PRISONS (EX PARTE SALIFA 1)
Salifa, a school boy, then aged fifteen years was sent to Guinea by his father in 1965 to continue his education. In 1967 he ran away from his guardian who was allegedly maltreating him. He went to Sierra Leone where he asked the Ghana High Commissioner to help him to return to his parents in Ghana. On his arrival in Accra, in June 1967, he was immediately arrested by the police and detained in Ussher Fort Prison. On 25 June 1968, Salifa’s father filed an ex parte application for an order of habeas corpus on the ground that his son’s detention was unlawful. Upon a notice of motion filed on 29 June 1968, for hearing on 2 July 1968, the Director of Prisons made a return thereto by an affidavit annexing thereto a Photostat copy of a document purporting to be a Decree signed by the Chairman of the National Liberation Council authorising the arrest and detention of Salifa. The document was not numbered and neither was it published in the Gazette as required by the Proclamation establishing the National Liberation Council. In a press release dated 24 April 1968 issued by the Ministry of Information, it was stated therein that all persons placed in protective custody since 24 February 1966 and the 17 April 1967 abortive coup had been released. This is a clear case of the fundamental liberty of a citizen.
The court ruled inter alia, that, (I) even though the date of the coming into force of a Decree could be so stated in the body of the Decree as to make the date of publication not the date of its coming into force, nevertheless, publication of it in the Gazette, numbering thereof in accordance with the order in which Decrees were published, printing and publication thereof by the Government Printer, together with its consequential purport that it was signed by the Chairman of the National Liberation Council, could not be respectively legally dispensed with in the making and issuing of a Decree having the force of law. Consequently, since the document in question was neither numbered nor published in the Gazette, it could not be classified as a Decree.
(I) the contention that the National Liberation Council had an unlimited power was pitched too high – it undermined or undefined the purposes for which by the Proclamation the National Liberation Council was established. According to the preamble to the Proclamation, it was established in the interest of the people of Ghana, and for the provision for the proper administration of the country and for the maintenance of law and order. In effect the Proclamation provided for the eradication by the National Liberation Council of illimitability of power in Ghana; for, autocracy in Ghana was given a decent burial on 24 February 1966. SALIFA as therefore discharged.
REPUBLIC V DIRECTOR OF PRISONS, SPECIAL BRANCH(EX PARTE SALIFA 2)
Immediately after his release, Salifa was re-arrested without warrant and detained for suspected subversion under another unnumbered and unpublished National Liberation Council Decree. Salifa’s father filed another application for a writ of habeas corpus for the immediate release of his son on the grounds, inter alia, that the re-arrest without warrant was unlawful and further that the subsequent unnumbered and unpublished Decree was also invalid.
The court held that, The NLC has so many powers in the sense that even though it proclaimed procedural limitations in its making of Decrees, it also gave its power to amend, repeal or make laws. Also, a decree could be in effect even though it wasn’t known to the public because it was not published in the Gazette. In interpreting an Act of Parliament or a Decree, the Act or Decree should be read as a whole. The cumulative effect of paragraphs 3 (6) and (7) of the Proclamation 1966, was that a Decree could come into force and be operated or administered even though it had not been published in the Gazette. And the word “issue” appearing in para. 3 (1) of the Proclamation, would in the context of the present circumstances appear to mean the operation of the Decree even though it was unpublished. Furthermore a Decree could come into force in some other way or mode of publication or even on some other day than by publication in the Gazette. Thus a retrospective or prospective date could be put in a Decree and such a Decree could not be said to have been published in the Gazette on the date of its coming into operation. Therefore, the Decree authorising the detention of the applicant was to operate retrospectively, consequently it could not be considered to be inoperative merely because it had not been published in the Gazette and a number assigned to it. Clearly, this stop-start system cannot be representative of constitutionalism so far as fundamental human rights are concern.
It can therefore be deduced that if the government’s power is arbitrary or even discretionary, it limits this idea. But the truth of the matter is that, there are many discretionary powers existing around us and many of these powers form part of the law. They may also stem from the courts.
This sense sharply contrasts government by arbitrary power. Fundamentally, it is an absolute predominance or supremacy of regular law as opposed to the influence of arbitrary power, and excludes the existence of arbitrariness, of prerogative, or even the wide discretionary authority on the part of the government.
In other countries, the executive exercises discretionary which may infringe on the liberty of individuals and this is not predominantly the case in the government of England. This has led to a general idea held by a lot of Englishmen that whenever there is discretion, there is room for arbitrariness.
The designs and the principles of the rule of law are important as they are the values or the pillars underpinning the constitution to which we can refer when questions arise concerning the exercise of power or authority granted by the constitution. So for constitutionalism to exist in a country, rule of law must not only be operative but must be seen to be operative.
Fundamental Human Rights
The basic rights to which all humans are generally considered to be entitled, which can include life, liberty, freedom of speech, freedom of religion, due process, equal rights, and dignity.
Rights are freedoms and privileges that every citizen must enjoy unconditionally. They are fundamental to the existing and the survival of human race. Rights are provided for by the constitution or the laws of a country; hence they must be protected, guaranteed and respected at all times.
Protection of Human Rights Under the 1992 constitution.
In Ghana, all the Republican constitutions contain express provisions guaranteeing the fundamental human rights protected by the state, with the exception of the 1960. The decision to adopt this system has been occasioned by the experience in RE. AKOTO case (SUPRA). The decision of the Supreme Court in Re Akoto is therefore a milestone in securing and ensuring the fundamental human rights and freedoms by the 1992 constitution, which runs in tandem with Article 33 (1) of the 1992 Constitution.
Article 33 of the 1992 constitution states that; ‘where a person alleges that a provision of this constitution on the fundamental rights and freedoms has been , or is being prejudice to any other action that is lawfully available, that person may apply to the High Court for redress’.
The 1992 constitution recognizes certain rights, freedoms and privileges which are generally termed Fundamental Human Rights. The main rights are classified in most constitutions are legal rights, political rights, economic rights, natural rights and social rights.
In fact, the entire chapter five of the 1992 constitution provides the fundamental human rights as guaranteed by the constitution. This chapter gives constitutional protection to individuals in the country, manifested in Article 12 (1) which states that ‘’ the fundamental human rights and freedoms enshrined in this chapter shall be respected and upheld by the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary and all organs of government and its agencies and, where applicable to them, by the natural and legal persons in Ghana, and shall be enforceable by the courts as provided for in this constitution”
(2) every person in Ghana, whatever his race, creed or gender shall be entitled to the fundamental human rights and freedoms of the individual contained in this chapter but subject to respect for the rights and freedoms of others and for the public interest.
The constitution imposes its checks and balances on the three arms of government. For example, Parliament cannot make any laws that will affect the human rights of an individual in the country. The judiciary can declare executive actions that affect the human rights of individuals in Ghana
Article 12 provides that the fundamental human rights that are contained in chapter five of this constitution shall be respected by the Executive, Legislature and the Judiciary and all other organs of government and its agencies and by all natural and legal persons in Ghana all are enforceable by the courts.
The famous case of AWUNI V WAEC is instructive in this regard. The final awards committee of the west African examinations council [herein after referred to as the council] took a decision to not only cancel the entire results of the appellants but also ban them from taking part in any exams under the auspices of the council for three years on grounds that the appellants had been involved in examination malpractices/irregularities in relation to core mathematics paper 2, in the examination organized by the council between October and December 2000. The appellants were said to have had foreknowledge of the paper and colluded among themselves in solving the questions. This decision by the council, the court reasoned, violated the fundamental human rights of the students as guaranteed by the constitution which is the supreme law. The decision violated the principles of natural justice that requires no man to be condemned unheard. The council’s refusal to give a fair hearing to the appellants violated the “audi alteram partem” rule in natural justice.
Another case of enormous importance to the concept of human rights as guaranteed by the 1992 constitution of Ghana is that of ABOAGYE VS. GHANA COMMERCIAL BANK (2001-2002), the appellant who was bank manager of the Ghana commercial Bank answered queries received from disciplinary committee of the bank with some payments made by him without going through due process. The matter was referred to the BNI and a report issued at the end of the investigation. The disciplinary committee recommended to the executive council without hearing the side of the applicant. The applicant was dismissed and he sued at the High court for unlawful dismissal where his claims were upheld. The defendant bank sued at the court of appeal that reversed the decision of the High court, the plaintiff then appealed at the Supreme Court. It was held that the “audi alteram partem” rule which implies that the authority in exercising disciplinary power should give the plaintiff reasonable opportunity to be heard and should also be informed of the charges and the dates of trial.
This is how clear in high esteem, the constitution of Ghana respect and defends the fundamental human rights of citizens, unequivocally manifested in chapter five of the 1992 constitution.
The Labour Act (2003) Act 651 also Section 79 also specifies or makes provision for the protection of citizens who happen to be employees. It states that every worker has the right to form or join a trade union of his or her choice for the promotion and protection of the workers economic and social interests, however, subsection (2) provides that ,’’Notwithstanding subsection (1), a worker whose function is normally considered as a) policy making b) decision making (c) managerial d) holding a position of trust e) performing duties that are of highly confidential nature; or an agent of shareholder of an undertaking, may not form or join a trade union’
Article (21) of the 1992 constitution specifies detailed general fundamental freedoms which may be regarded as bill of rights thus;
- All persons shall have the right to
- Freedom speech and expression which shall include freedom of speech of the press and other media
- Freedom of thought, conscience and belief, which shall include academic freedom ;
- freedom to practice any religion and to manifest such practice; freedom of assembly including freedom to take part in procession and demonstrations;
- freedom of association, which shall include freedom to form or join trade unions or other associations, national and international, for the protection of their interest
- Information, subject to such qualifications and laws as are necessary in a democratic society.
- Freedom of movement which means the right to move freely in Ghana the right to leave and the right to enter Ghana
However, none of these freedoms stated above are absolute. Article 21 (2) puts restrictions on a person’s freedom of movement by a lawful detention shall not be inconsistent with or in contravention of this article. A check against abuse of these rights
The laws of nation in question makes a provision for the imposition of restrictions by order of the court, that are required in the interest of defense, public safety or public order on the movement or residence within Ghana of any person. This was reiterated in the dictum of Bamford JSC in the case of MENSIMA V ATTORNEY-GENERAL where stated that, “the enjoyment of the fundamental human rights and freedoms is not absolute but subject to the rights of others”. In effect, despite the venom with which the constitution protects human rights, they are not to be exercised arbitrarily. When a person alleges that a provision of the constitution on the fundamental human rights and freedoms has been or is being likely to be contravened in relation to him, he can apply to the high court to seek redress. The High Court is first instance or the main forum for the enforcement of individual rights. An appeal can be made to the Court of Appeal and further appeal to the Supreme Court.
CONCLUSION
Per the above locus classicus, it is crucial to note that constitutionalism is basically an idea that government should be limited in its powers and that its authority depends on its observations of these limitations. In particular, these limitations relate to the organs of government.
First of all, Constitutionalism as an element of rule of law deals with how constitutional limitations of the government are interpreted and enforced. The maintenance of an independent and accountable judiciary which is also a fundamental element of constitutionalism helps in the protection of human rights.
Secondly Constitutionalism creates a stable society. If government can formulate and enforce fair, just and universal rules of social conduct, citizens will be able to live at peace with one another in a healthy and productive collaboration.
Moreover, because the citizenry are minded to limit the powers vested in the rulers with strict rules of procedure, they ensure that power thus delegated is not misused. This means that the rulers are subject to the law. In England for example, the monarch became subject to the disciplines and limitations of the Common Law, Custom and various agreements placed on him by popular pressure. The King was bound by his Coronation Oath to defend the church, to punish crime and violence and to rule with clemency and mercy.
Similarly, in Ghana, the Presidential Oath states, ‘… I will be faithful and true to the Republic of Ghana; that I will at all times preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the Republic of Ghana; and that I dedicate myself to the service and well-being of the people and to do right to all manner of persons.’
Furthermore, constitutionalism limits absolute power through placing conditions on that power by requiring the sharing of power with those subject to it through a process of debate. The constitution attempts to preserve discipline and integrity in government through provisions, thereby creating a system in which the various branches of government share power, yet limit that power through a series of checks and balances.
Constitutionalism ensures that the human rights of the citizen are protected. The principle of separation of powers is the idea that power should not be concentrated in the hands of one branch of government in order that the rights of the citizen are not abused. Thus the Constitution, 1992 contains express provisions that protect the fundamental human rights of the individual. Indeed the entire chapter five of the constitution is devoted to provisions that protect the human rights of the individual.
Compare constitutionalism with absolutism and the relevance of the former becomes clearer. In absolutism, the king or sovereign is believed to be ordained by God. He is the embodiment of all the three basic functions and powers of government – executive, legislative and judicial. There are no rules or regulations for the sovereign to run his state. And so he has ultimate power to rule his subjects as he deems fit, and no one challenges his authority. Whereas in a state where there is constitutionalism like Ghana, for example, those vested with governmental powers are required to rule under the law. The 1992 Constitution states in article 34 (1) that,
‘The Directive principles of State Policy contained in this Chapter shall guide all citizens, Parliament, the President, the Judiciary … in applying or interpreting this Constitution or any other law and in taking and implementing any policy decisions, for the establishment of a just and free society’ (emphasis mine). The ruler, like the ruled, is under the law.
In sum, the principle of constitutionalism requires that no government or president or institution of law enforcement should be established or be allowed to exist and function without a system of checks and balances or control mechanisms, exactly the case in Ghana. Therefore, we can assert without any iota of doubt that the system of government in Ghana is in all fours with the concept of constitutionalism.
REFERENCES:
- RE AKOTO [1961] SCGLR 523-535
- NPP V THE ATTORNEY GENERAL (the 31st December case)
- MARBURY v MADISON. (1803) 5S. 137
- TUFFUOR V ATTORNEY GENRAL [1980] GLR 637
- MARTIN KPEBU V ATTORNEY GENERAL 2016 (UNREPORTED)
- H. MENSAH V THE A-G ]1997-98] 1 GLR 227
- GHANA BAR ASSOCIATION V THE ATTORNEY GENERAL AND ANOTHER. [1995-96] 1 GLR 598-662
- REPUBLIC V COURT OF APPEAL, EX PARTE TSATSU TSIKATA [2005-2006] SCGLR 612
- CAPTAN V AG
- THE REPUBLIC V DIRECTOR OF PRISONS (EX PARTE SALIFA) 1
- REPUBLIC V DIRECTOR OF PRISONS, SPECIAL BRANCH(EX PARTE SALIFA) 2
- AWUNI V WAEC {2003- 2004} 1SCGLR
- ABOAGYE V GHANA COMMERCIAL BANK (2001-2002),
- MENSIMA V ATTORNEY-GENERAL [1996-97] SCGLR 676
RELEVANT AUTHORITIES
- THE 1992 CONSTITUTION OF GHANA
- https://www.bl.uk/treasures/magnacarta/basics/basics.html
- www.getdocuments.asp
- www.thefreedictionary.com
- WWW.NCSL.COM (National conference of state legislators)
- OPUKU-AGYEMAN, CONTITUTIONAL LAW AND HISTORY OF GHANA. 2009
- WADE AND BRADLEY: CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW. 6TH edition.
- CONSTITUTIONAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW. Fourth Edition, Hilaire Barnett, BA, LLM Queen Mary, University of London, 2002 (WWW.CAVENDISHPUBLISHING.COM/CONSTANDADMIN)